Progress and Poverty
[01] But a stumbling
block may yet remain, or may recur, in the mind of the reader.
[02] As the plowman
cannot eat the furrow, nor a partially completed steam engine aid
in any way in producing the clothes the machinist wears, have I not,
in the words of John Stuart Mill, "forgotten that the people of a
country are maintained and have their wants supplied, not by the produce
of present labor, but of past"? Or, to use the language of a popular
elementary work -- that of Mrs. Fawcett -- have I not "forgotten that
many months must elapse between the sowing of the seed and the time
when the produce of that seed is converted into a loaf of bread,"
and that "it is, therefore, evident that laborers cannot live upon
that which their labor is assisting to produce, but are maintained
by that wealth which their labor, or the labor of others, has previously
produced, which wealth is capital"?1
[03] The assumption
made in these passages -- the assumption that it is so self-evident
that labor must be subsisted from capital that the proposition has
but to be stated to compel recognition -- runs through the whole fabric
of current political economy. And so confidently is it held that the
maintenance of labor is drawn from capital that the proposition that
"population regulates itself by the funds which are to employ it,
and, therefore, always increases or diminishes with the increase or
diminution of capital,"2
is regarded as equally axiomatic, and in its turn made the basis of
important reasoning.
[04] Yet being resolved,
these propositions are seen to be, not self-evident, but absurd; for
they involve the idea that labor cannot be exerted until the products
of labor are saved -- thus putting the product before the producer.
[05] And being examined,
they will be seen to derive their apparent plausibility from a confusion
of thought.
[06] I have already
pointed out the fallacy, concealed by an erroneous definition, which
underlies the proposition that because food, raiment and shelter are
necessary to productive labor, therefore industry is limited by capital.
To say that a man must have his breakfast before going to work is
not to say that he cannot go to work unless a capitalist furnishes
him with a breakfast, for his breakfast may, and in point of fact
in any country where there is not actual famine will, come not from
wealth set apart for the assistance of production, but from wealth
set apart for subsistence. And, as has been previously shown, food,
clothing, etc. -- in short, all articles of wealth -- are only capital
so long as they remain in the possession of those who propose, not
to consume, but to exchange them for other commodities or for productive
services, and cease to be capital when they pass into the possession
of those who will consume them; for in that transaction they pass
from the stock of wealth held for the purpose of procuring other wealth,
and pass into the stock of wealth held for purposes of gratification,
irrespective of whether their consumption will aid in the production
of wealth or not. Unless this distinction is preserved it is impossible
to draw the line between the wealth that is capital and the wealth
that is not capital, even by remitting the distinction to the "mind
of the possessor," as does John Stuart Mill. For men do not eat or
abstain, wear clothes or go naked, as they propose to engage in productive
labor or not. They eat because they are hungry, and wear clothes because
they would be uncomfortable without them. Take the food on the breakfast
table of a laborer who will work or not that day as he gets the opportunity.
If the distinction between capital and noncapital be the support of
productive labor, is this food capital or not? It is as impossible
for the laborer himself as for any philosopher of the Ricardo-Mill
school to tell. Nor yet can it be told when it gets into his stomach;
nor, supposing that he does not get work at first, but continues the
search, can it be told until it has passed into the blood and tissues.
Yet the man will eat his breakfast all the same.
[07] But, though it
would be logically sufficient, it is hardly safe to rest here and
leave the argument to turn on the distinction between wealth and capital.
Nor is it necessary. It seems to me that the proposition that present
labor must be maintained by the produce of past labor will upon analysis
prove to be true only in the sense that the afternoon's labor must
be performed by the aid of the noonday meal, or that before you eat
the hare he must be caught and cooked. And this, manifestly, is not
the sense in which the proposition is used to support the important
reasoning that is made to hinge upon it. That sense is, that before
a work which will not immediately result in wealth available for subsistence
can be carried on, there must exist such a stock of subsistence as
will support the laborers during the process. Let us see if this be
true:
[08] The canoe which
Robinson Crusoe made with such infinite toil and pains was a production
in which his labor could not yield an immediate return. But was it
necessary that, before he commenced, he should accumulate a stock
of food sufficient to maintain him while he felled the tree, hewed
out the canoe, and finally launched her into the sea? Not at all.
It was necessary only that he should devote part of his time to the
procurement of food while he was devoting part of his time to the
building and launching of the canoe. Or supposing a hundred men to
be landed, without any stock of provisions, in a new country. Will
it be necessary for them to accumulate a season's stock of provisions
before they can begin to cultivate the soil? Not at all. It will be
necessary only that fish, game, berries, etc., shall be so abundant
that the labor of a part of the hundred may suffice to furnish daily
enough of these for the maintenance of all, and that there shall be
such a sense of mutual interest, or such a correlation of desires,
as shall lead those who in the present get the food to divide (exchange)
with those whose efforts are directed to future recompense.
[09] What is true in
these cases is true in all cases. It is not necessary to the production
of things that cannot be used as subsistence, or cannot be immediately
utilized, that there should have been a previous production of the
wealth required for the maintenance of the laborers while the production
is going on. It is only necessary that there should be, somewhere
within the circle of exchange, a contemporaneous production of sufficient
subsistence for the laborers, and a willingness to exchange this subsistence
for the thing on which the labor is being bestowed.
[10] And as a matter
of fact is it not true, in any normal condition of things, that
consumption is supported by contemporaneous production?
[11] Here is a luxurious
idler, who does no productive work either with head or hand, but lives,
we say, upon wealth which his father left him securely invested in
government bonds. Does his subsistence, as a matter of fact, come
from wealth accumulated in the past or from the productive labor that
is going on around him? On his table are new-laid eggs, butter churned
but a few days before, milk which the cow gave this morning, fish
which twenty-four hours ago were swimming in the sea, meat which the
butcher boy has just brought in time to be cooked, vegetables fresh
from the garden, and fruit from the orchard -- in short, hardly anything
that has not recently left the hand of the productive laborer (for
in this category must be included transporters and distributors as
well as those who are engaged in the first stages of production),
and nothing that has been produced for any considerable length of
time, unless it may be some bottles of old wine. What this man inherited
from his father, and on which we say he lives, is not actually wealth
at all, but only the power of commanding wealth as others produce
it. And it is from this contemporaneous production that his subsistence
is drawn.
[12] The fifty square
miles of London undoubtedly contain more wealth than within the same
space anywhere else exists. Yet were productive labor in London absolutely
to cease, within a few hours people would begin to die like rotten
sheep, and within a few weeks, or at most a few months, hardly one
would be left alive. For an entire suspension of productive labor
would be a disaster more dreadful than ever yet befell a beleaguered
city. It would not be a mere external wall of circumvallation, such
as Titus drew around Jerusalem, which would prevent the constant incoming
of the supplies on which a great city lives, but it would be the drawing
of a similar wall around each household. Imagine such a suspension
of labor in any community, and you will see how true it is that mankind
really lives from hand to mouth; that it is the daily labor of the
community that supplies the community with its daily bread.
[13] Just as the subsistence
of the laborers who built the Pyramids was drawn not from a previously
boarded stock, but from the constantly recurring crops of the Nile
Valley; just as a modern government when it undertakes a great work
of years does not appropriate to it wealth already produced, but wealth
yet to be produced, which is taken from producers in taxes as the
work progresses; so it is that the subsistence of the laborers engaged
in production which does not directly yield subsistence comes from
the production of subsistence in which others are simultaneously engaged.
[14] If we trace the
circle of exchange by which work done in the production of a great
steam engine secures to the worker bread, meat, clothes and shelter,
we shall find that though between the laborer on the engine and the
producers of the bread, meat, etc., there may be a thousand intermediate
exchanges, the transaction, when reduced to its lowest terms, really
amounts to an exchange of labor between him and them. Now the cause
which induces the expenditure of the labor on the engine is evidently
that some one who has power to give what is desired by the laborer
on the engine wants in exchange an engine -- that is to say, there
exists a demand for an engine on the part of those producing bread,
meat, etc., or on the part of those who are producing what the producers
of the bread, meat, etc., desire. It is this demand which directs
the labor of the machinist to the production of the engine, and hence,
reversely, the demand of the machinist for bread, meat, etc., really
directs an equivalent amount of labor to the production of these things,
and thus his labor, actually exerted in the production of the engine,
virtually produces the things in which he expends his wages.
[15] Or, to formularize
this principle:
[16] The demand for
consumption determines the direction in which labor will be expended
in production.
[17] This principle
is so simple and obvious that it needs no further illustration, yet
in its light all the complexities of our subject disappear, and we
thus reach the same view of the real objects and rewards of labor
in the intricacies of modern production that we gained by observing
in the first beginnings of society the simpler forms of production
and exchange. We see that now, as then, each laborer is endeavoring
to obtain by his exertions the satisfaction of his own desires; we
see that although the minute division of labor assigns to each producer
the production of but a small part, or perhaps nothing at all, of
the particular things he labors to get, yet, in aiding in the production
of what other producers want, he is directing other labor to the production
of the things he wants -- in effect, producing them himself. And thus,
if he make jackknives and eat wheat, the wheat is really as much the
produce of his labor as if he had grown it for himself and left wheatgrowers
to make their own jackknives.
[18] We thus see how
thoroughly and completely true it is, that in whatever is taken or
consumed by laborers in return for labor rendered, there is no advance
of capital to the laborers. If I have made jackknives, and with the
wages received have bought wheat, I have simply exchanged jackknives
for wheat -- added jackknives to the existing stock of wealth and
taken wheat from it. And as the demand for consumption determines
the direction in which labor will be expended in production, it cannot
even be said, so long as the limit of wheat production has not been
reached, that I have lessened the stock of wheat, for, by placing
jackknives in the exchangeable stock of wealth and taking wheat out,
I have determined labor at the other end of a series of exchanges
to the production of wheat, just as the wheat grower, by putting in
wheat and demanding jackknives, determined labor to the production
of jackknives, as the easiest way by which wheat could be obtained.
[19] And so the man
who is following the plow -- though the crop for which he is opening
the ground is not yet sown, and after being sown will take months
to arrive at maturity -- he is yet, by the exertion of his labor in
plowing, virtually producing the food he eats and the wages he receives.
For, though plowing is but a part of the operation of producing a
crop, it is a part, and as necessary a part as harvesting.
The doing of it is a step toward procuring a crop, which, by the assurance
which it gives of the future crop, sets free from the stock constantly
held the subsistence and wages of the plowman. This is not merely
theoretically true, it is practically and literally true. At the proper
time for plowing, let plowing cease. Would not the symptoms of scarcity
at once manifest themselves without waiting for the time of the harvest?
Let plowing cease, and would not the effect at once be felt in counting
room, and machine shop, and factory? Would not loom and spindle soon
stand as idle as the plow? That this would be so, we see in the effect
which immediately follows a bad season. And if this would be so, is
not the man who plows really producing his subsistence and wages as
much as though during the day or week his labor actually resulted
in the things for which his labor is exchanged?
[20] As a matter of
fact, where there is labor looking for employment, the want of capital
does not prevent the owner of land which promises a crop for which
there is a demand from hiring it. Either he makes an agreement to
cultivate on shares, a common method in some parts of the United States,
in which case the laborers, if they are without means of subsistence,
will, on the strength of the work they are doing, obtain credit at
the nearest store; or, if he prefers to pay wages, the farmer will
himself obtain credit, and thus the work done in cultivation is immediately
utilized or exchanged as it is done. If anything more will be used
up than would be used up if the laborers were forced to beg instead
of to work (for in any civilized country during a normal condition
of things the laborers must be supported anyhow), it will be the reserve
capital drawn out by the prospect of replacement, and which is in
fact replaced by the work as it is done. For instance, in the purely
a agricultural districts of Southern California there was in 1877
a total failure of the crop, and of millions of sheep nothing remained
but their bones. In the great San Joaquin Valley were many farmers
without food enough to support their families until the next harvest
time, let alone to support any laborers. But the rains came again
in proper season, and these very farmers proceeded to hire hands to
plow and to sow. For every here and there was a farmer who had been
holding back part of his crop. As soon as the rains came he was anxious
to sell before the next harvest brought lower prices, and the grain
thus held in reserve, through the machinery of exchanges and advances,
passed to the use of the cultivators -- set free, in effect produced,
by the work done for the next crop.
[21] The series of exchanges
which unite production and consumption may be likened to a curved
pipe filled with water. If a quantity of water is poured in at one
end, a like quantity is released at the other. It is not identically
the same water, but is its equivalent. And so they who do the work
of production put in as they take out -- they receive in subsistence
and wages but the produce of their labor.
Footnotes:
1 "Political
Economy for Beginners," by Millicent Garrett Fawcett, Chap. 111,
P. 25.
2
The words quoted are Ricardo's (Chap. 11); but the idea is common
in standard works.
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